Catalogue Entry: Coffeehouses in the Maydan-i Naqsh-I Jahan Royal Square
The most prominent coffeehouses in Safavid Isfahan were located within the Maydan on the Naqsh-I Jahan Royal Square. The coffeehouse complex was part of a larger building campaign led by Shah Abbas I as a result of him moving the empire’s capital to Isfahan because of its central location within the empire and placement on a river. He invested in the city’s architecture and infrastructure as previously the city’s layout had been defined by the needs of its citizens rather than a top-down urban planning campaign. The Shah wanted a world class capital to impress foreign dignitaries and a city that would make an impact on the many visitors a new capital city would attract[1].
The Naqsh-I Jahan Royal Square, colored blue on the city plan, was a central component to this building project and was completed in multiple stages. The square was meant to be the center of the city and included two mosques, a government complex, and a bazaar called Qaysaria[2]. The Maydan was built on the northern side of the square and housed the commercial center of the square where the coffeehouses. They were constructed during the first phase that roughly took place from 1598 to 1606. The plan of the Royal Square shows Qaysaria shaded blue and the Qaysaria Gate labelled number ‘2’. [3] The image of the gate and Maydan provides a view from the center of the square facing north. From this view, it is clear the coffeehouse complex makes up a substantial section of the square. Their placement adjacent to the opening to a major bazaar demonstrates the importance the coffeehouses had in the overall experience of the square.
The coffeehouses’ location within the Royal Square provided a high-class clientele compared to coffeehouses in other parts of the city. These coffeehouses serving a higher socioeconomic class reflect their proximity to the royal palace, the bazaar, and upper-class residential areas. Comparing accounts from those who attended other coffeehouses in Isfahan, such as though on the Chaharbagh explain the coffeehouses on the Chaharbagh were frequented by a more diverse and less affluent class of people compared to the Maydan. Overall, serving a more elite class of customers, however, was a common attribute among all Safavid coffeehouses when compared to Ottoman coffeehouses that were far more populous and served a much wider range of consumers.[4]
The architecture of the Maydan coffeehouses reflected the coffee culture at the time while simultaneously being a part of the experience of visiting a coffeehouse. The plan of the coffeehouse complex illustrates how the six interconnected, cruciform spaces that share alcoves on the sides connect to the easternside of the Qaysaria Gate. The hall has two kinds of vaulting and chamfered corners of the main halls that provided optimal function as a drinking house that working within the overarching design of the Maydan.[5] The axonometric view shows how the entrances from the square that alternate with the alcoves facing the square on the southside and on the northside the alcoves face into the Maydan.[6] The contemporary image of the Maydan displays how these entrances to the coffeehouses push out into the square and how the outdoor aspects of the shops quickly become an integral part of the square, just as much as the architecture itself. Also included in the plan are the water basins located in the center of each individual octagonal spaces which had been documented as an important part of the structure by European travelers who visited these coffeehouses.[7] Bath houses was another popular social space at the time and are similar to in their octagonal design and that they provide a physical space for social life and community. The open-air aspect of coffeehouses differentiates them from bathhouses, however, as bathhouses were often fully enclosed. The vaulting and galleries shown in the plans played an important role in the use of the coffeehouses as a place for performances and speeches.[8] A visitor to the coffeehouse described them as a place for people to play games, talk about news and politics, and freely criticize the government. He also described preachers, poets, and story tellers performing in front of the crowds within a coffeehouse.[9] The Safavid’s inherited their coffee culture from the Yemeni Sufi tradition where coffee was often drank for evening rituals and chants. Performing and making speeches in coffeehouses developed from this tradition and was maintained as coffee culture disseminated throughout other cultures.[10] It was because of performances like these that amphitheater or stadium style seating became common in coffeehouses as it allowed spectators clear sight lines to the performers.[11] The many common social practices in coffeehouses were enhanced by the structure’s architecture. These coffeehouses’ seating encouraged a theater like feeling through its seating while also promoted discussion and conversation as it balanced openness and intimacy with consistently vaulted ceilings throughout the six separate spaces.
Numerous visits by Shah Abbas to the coffeehouses describe him using the space as a place to impress foreign dignitaries who often documented the experience as a notable part of their visit.[12] The influence the Shah’s visits had on the happenings of the coffeehouses is apparent as the alcoves the Shah used for his meetings were documents, which suggests his regular presence in this space carried significant importance.[13] A practice that may have developed from the Shah’s observations of the discussions taking place in the coffeehouses is a Mullah giving a daily speech about morality and ethics. The purpose of these speeches was to protect Shah Abbas’ rule against political dissent and immoral deeds becoming too popular within coffee houses.[14] A specific visit was well documented and describes the Shah bringing an envoy to the coffeehouses at night to enjoy the hanging lamps lighting the market, an acrobatic dance, and many cups of coffee. Other visitors also described evenings in the square as the most impressive part of the Maydan because of the way the coffeehouse lamp displays to light up the entire square. This aspect of the coffeehouses grew in importance during Ramadan the space was used for people to gather in and dance under the oil and rose water lamps.[15] Although coffeehouses sometimes involve religiously focused events, they played an integral role in developing a secular society that provided men a place to gather with a community in the Ottoman and Safavid empires.[16]
Other coffeehouses in Isfahan shared similar architectural designs that enhanced the social aspect of coffee culture and build a community. The Chaharbagh, another major part of the Shah’s building campaign was also lined with coffeehouses. The plan of one of these coffeehouses shares similarities with the Maydan coffeehouses, such as the central water basin, an octagonal shape, and entrances that open to an outdoor plaza.[17] The old photograph of a coffeehouse along the Chaharbagh depicts a coffeehouse spilling out into an outdoor space and how it develops an inviting location for those passing by. It also shares a similar wooden lattice screen covering the top of the central arch that has the same shape as the coffeehouses in the Maydan. The lattice work and perforated brick allow air and light into the building that maintain the continuity between the outdoor and indoor space.[18] The coffeehouses along this walkway are distinct from the coffeehouses in the Maydan as they allowed women to use the same spaces on days men were not present.[19] The image of the coffeehouse that used to be connected to rear of a mosque is located in another part of Isfahan further from the city center share similarities the Maydan in its tripartite entrance, shape of the center arch, and perforated brickwork. Like those in the royal square, this coffeehouse was placed close to a mosque and likely served as an additional area for people to gather after services.[20] During this time period, coffeehouses were becoming popular across the middle east and especially in the Ottoman Empire where they were documented to provide similar spaces for communities to gather, join in conversation, and watch performances.[21]
Coffeehouses provides a space for coffee culture to develop alongside a vibrant social culture in Islamic societies. Their architecture enhanced different kinds of community gatherings that varied through their association with religion and politics. They Maydan coffeehouses were defined by their location in the Royal Square, and their clientele reflected its proximity to upper class areas of the city. Consequentially, the Maydan coffeehouses were made unique by the community of well-off people fit for visits from the Shah and his esteemed visitors they hosted. As noted, other coffeehouses, both within and outside of Isfahan did not share this caliber of wealthy customers. These coffeehouses enhanced the community of Isfahan’s elite by providing them a space to engage in social activities while also flaunting their wealth and status.
[1] Somaiyeh Falahat et al., “Spatial Fragmentation and Bottom-up Appropriations: The Case of Safavid Isfahan.” Urban History 42, no. 1 (2015): 11, https://www.jstor.org/stable/26398340.
[2] Falahat, “Spatial Fragmentation”, 11.
[3] Rudi Matthee, “Coffee in Safavid Iran: Commerce and Consumption.” in In The Pursuit of Pleasure: Drugs and Stimulants in Iranian History, 1500-1900 (New Jersey: The Princeton University Press, 2005), 149, https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1g248wt.14
[4] Farshid Emami, “Coffee Houses, Urban Spaces, and The Formation of a Public Sphere in Safavid Isfahan,” Muqarnas 33 (2016): 195.
[5] Emami, “Coffee Houses,” 192.
[6] Emami, “Coffee Houses,” 194.
[7] Emami, “Coffee Houses,” 191.
[8] Emami, “Coffee Houses,” 192.
[9] Matthee, “Coffee in Safavid Iran: Commerce and Consumption,” 166.
[10] Emami, “Coffee Houses,” 197.
[11] Emami, “Coffee Houses,” 191.
[12] Saïd Amir Arjomand, “Coffeehouses, Guilds and Oriental Despotism Government and Civil Society in Late 17th to Early 18th Century Istanbul and Isfahan, and as Seen from Paris and London,” European Journal of Sociology / Archives Européennes de Sociologie / Europäisches Archiv Für Soziologie 45, no. 1 (2004): 31, http://www.jstor.org/stable/23998913.
[13] Emami, “Coffee Houses,” 178.
[14] Matthee, “Coffee in Safavid Iran: Commerce and Consumption,” 166.
[15] Emami, “Coffee Houses,” 197.
[16] Steven Topik, “Coffee as a Social Drug,” Cultural Critique, no. 71 (2009): 90, http://www.jstor.org/stable/25475502.
[17] Emami, “Coffee Houses,” 187.
[18] Emami, “Coffee Houses,” 188.
[19] Emami, “Coffee Houses,” 190.
[20] Emami, “Coffee Houses,” 201.
[21] Alexander Bevilacqua et al., “Turquerie: Culture in Motion, 1650-1750,” Past & Present, no. 5 (2013): 96 - 97, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24543612.
Bibliography
Arjomand, Saïd Amir. “Coffeehouses, Guilds and Oriental Despotism Government and Civil Society in Late 17th to Early 18th Century Istanbul and Isfahan, and as Seen from Paris and London.” European Journal of Sociology / Archives Européennes de Sociologie / Europäisches Archiv Für Soziologie 45, no. 1 (2004): 23–42. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23998913.
Bevilacqua, Alexander, and Helen Pfeifer. “Turquerie: Culture In Motion, 1650–1750.” Past & Present, no. 221 (2013): 75–118. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24543612.
Emami, Farshid. “Coffee Houses, Urban Spaces, and the Formation of a Public Sphere in Safavid Isfahan.” Muqarnas 33 (2016): 177–220. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26551685.
Falahat, Somaiyeh, and M. Reza Shirazi. “Spatial Fragmentation and Bottom-up Appropriations: The Case of Safavid Isfahan.” Urban History 42, no. 1 (2015): 3–21. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26398340.
Matthee, Rudi. “Coffee in Safavid Iran: Commerce and Consumption.” In The Pursuit of Pleasure: Drugs and Stimulants in Iranian History 1500-1900, 144–74. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2015. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1g248wt.14.
Topik, Steven. “Coffee as a Social Drug.” Cultural Critique, no. 71 (2009): 81–106. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25475502.